IN SEARCH OF A WORKABLE DEMOCRACY IN AFRICA: CONSENSUAL OR MAJORITARIAN?
IN SEARCH OF A WORKABLE
DEMOCRACY IN AFRICA: CONSENSUAL OR MAJORITARIAN?
The
various political crises in many African countries today have aroused concern
from contemporary political thinkers and philosophers as to the effectiveness
of political system. Many of the crises are attributable to the majoritarian (multiparty)
system of democracy where, according to many critiques, the political office holders
tend to do the will of their political parties, ignoring the concerns of the others.
As such, some thinkers suggest a return to consensual system of democracy (one
party system). However, a close scrutiny of the methodology of consensual democracy
reveals that it is no longer fitting in contemporary African society,
considering the liberal nature of this society. This essay therefore seeks to
show that the goal of consensual democracy - unanimity in decisions - is not
practicable in the present context of African society due to the current
socio-cultural settings in Africa. What is suggested is a refinement of the
present practice of liberal democracy.
Supporters
of consensual democracy seek a system that can foster dialogue amongst
everyone, leading to a consensus or unanimity whereby everyone participates
both formally and substantively in the decision making of their society. People
can participate formally when they are represented by their representatives,
and substantively when their representatives are able to express the people’s
views during the decision making process. Kwasi Wiredu suggests that African contemporary society crises will cease if
Africa adopts a consensual method of democracy1. For him, contrary
to majoritarian democracy where the majority takes the power and makes decisions
which may not favour the minority, consensual democracy leads to the
consideration of everyone’s views being properly and justifiably represented in
the decisions of any society. For Wiredu, democracy is ‘axiomatic’ and in
principle, should aim at consensus or unanimity. Wiredu’s statement about the
usefulness of consensual democracy is as follows:
Reconciliation is, in fact, a form of consensus.
It is a restoration of goodwill through a re-appraisal of the significance of
the initial bones of contention. It does not necessarily involve a complete
identity of moral or cognitive opinions. It suffices that all parties are able
to feel that adequate account has been taken of their points of view in any
proposed scheme of future action or coexistence.2
Wiredu
buys into statements such as ‘elders sit under the tree and talk until they
agree’3. He believes that all human beings have identical interests
in any decision or choice they make, no matter the disparity that may be
experienced during the deliberation. This identical interest, Wiredu thinks, is
realizable through proper communication. Such identity in interest is said to
be revealed when people are logically persuaded to see reasons for their
differing views or choices, whereby in the long run they would ‘willingly’
compromise. Following the reasons given, Wiredu then advocates for a non-party
polity, a system which he says is capable of bringing lasting solutions to the
contemporary political crises in Africa. In such a view, even if political
parties exist, they should only serve as avenues for channeling all desirable
pluralisms. Precisely, the point here is that Africa should drop the system of
majoritarian democracy in favour of consensual democracy if she is to go
forward. Before assessing Wiredu’s advocacy, it deems necessary to take a brief
survey of why majoritarian democracy – the system Wiredu says we should drop –
is said to be corrupt.
Majoritarian
democracy is said to be corrupt and breeds violence simply because it imposes
the majority’s views on the minority. It deprives the minority their rights and
freedom of active participation in the actual decision making of the society.
Leaders in majoritarian democracy tend to fulfil the obligations of their party,
and in that way, do not substantively represent the people per se. This is said
to be different from representatives of consensual democracy who do not have
any party to whom they have to pay allegiance and whose obligations they have
to fulfil. Since they are not attached to any party, they are then said to be
unbiased, considering everyone’s opinions. In brief, consensual democracy seeks
to secure substantive representation of every citizen in the decision making
process. The proponents of consensual democracy believe that fostering this
non-exclusive system of polity will help restore, as well as safeguard the
bonds that constituted the ancient African communities. Wiredu suggests that
unless we adopt such a consensual system of democracy, the crises we experience
today in Africa are bound to persist. However, a closer look at the consensual
democratic method reveals that its practice is not likely to fit the political
and societal settings of contemporary African society.
The
goal of consensual democracy, which implies attaining the substantive agreement
of all the members of a society in the final decisions of that society seems
impractical in, and unfit for, contemporary African society. It is a square peg
in a round hole. Looking deeply at this goal, it seems attractive to adopt such
a system. Its different merits as are mentioned by its proponents makes it
appears very attractive on the surface. For example, its proponents think that
consensus brought about reconciliation, peace, harmony and other positive
results in the ancient African societies that practice it, such as the Ashanti
in Ghana, and as such, is likely to do same in the contemporary era. Now the
question is, ‘can consensual democracy succeed in contemporary African society,
despite its seeming success during the primitive era?’ From all indications, it
seems its success in the present time is unreachable considering some reasons
which will be given.
No
one would doubt that society is changing every day. Even crude African society
is continually being enlightened. There is now greater emphasis on the concepts
of human rights, freedom and responsibility. This has led people to be able to
recognize their needs and desires as independently of others’. The western
concept of individualism is gradually pervading the minds of Africans,
especially the educated ones who are educated in the western tradition. This is
different from primitive African society which was largely dominated by the
ideology of Ubuntu. The idea of
community dominated the society then in a way that people believed they could thrive
only through mutual dependency. Such ideology was able to thrive then because
of the crude and agrarian nature of the society whereby people had to depend on
others for completion of their farm work. Such societal settings seems to fit
the practice of consensual democracy and I believe that is why it was able to
thrive then, in societies such as the Ashanti and other African communities.
Consensus, in the sense of the proponents of consensual democracy must have
been the only means of achieving such mutuality by then and in that case,
people had to structure their mindset towards shared agreement. Let us not
forget that any belief or idea is just a construction of the society or a person’s
mind construct as constructivists would assert. But this simple agrarian era is
gone. This is a new era where people believe in individualism and freedom of
expression. Considering that it would seem difficult for people to reach
unanimity in any decision concerning societal issues, consensual democracy as
envisaged by its proponents is likely to yield futile results in contemporary
African society.
Furthermore,
proponents of consensual democracy supports their argument with logical
persuasiveness – that people will come to realize their latent interest when
logically persuaded. Logical persuasion in this context implies someone being
enlightened with the use of logical or reasonable arguments to realize what is
good and what is bad so as to refine his/her choice if need be. However, such an
idea seems not to take into consideration that this is the age of
enlightenment. Many people in Africa are now educated to understand the use of
logic to assess their choices themselves, unlike about 100 years ago when only a
few people were educated in Africa. So it seems that if the one with great
power of logical persuasion is to be the one to convince the rest of the masses
to see reason with a particular point of view, there is likelihood of such
deliberation going ad infinitum as
there will be many opposing reasons from the vast number of enlightened people
in the present African society. The presence of such perpetual conflicting
ideas renders consensual democracy impracticable in the present African
continent. The saying, ‘elders sit under the big tree and talk until they
agree’4 is far from achievable in this liberal age that Africa is
gradually assuming. Let us not forget group dynamics too - that there are
controversial personalities of people in the society that would not want to buy
into a particular view, even if everyone agrees to it.
A
possible objection to my view would be in the form of a question. One may ask,
‘were there no such controversial personalities in the primitive era when
consensual democracy used to work?’ Such objection presupposes that the
presence of different personalities of people cannot deter the success of
consensual democracy as it did not deter it in the past. A possible response to
such objection is inherent in what I have said already; that it was the belief
in Ubuntu that conditioned people’s
minds in the primitive era and such conditioning made them believe the only way
to succeed was in community agreement. In the present African society, such
belief is gradually being eroded. Hence, consensus is unlikely to succeed now.
Rather than introducing consensual democracy, which sounds so archaic and unattainable
in the present day Africa, I think the better way to solve the power crises in
the contemporary Africa would be to formulate new ways of thinking; ways which
seek to achieve the common good of all. Emmanuel Eze makes an important point
in saying that the goal of democracy should be creating mechanisms or rules of
managing individuated desires5.
Such a system is likely to be much
more effective than consensual democracy in that the rules and mechanisms so
formulated would be able to incorporate both the majority’s and the minority’s
interests under one umbrella. Instead of yearning for a seemingly unrealistic
system, the system of polity that should be sought is that which promotes equal
rights and freedom for all. Consensual democracy is more suitable in small
groups or villages, not for large nations as is suggested for African
countries.
Also,
it is true that the development of any society depends on the intellectual
class in that society who are in a better position to use their knowledge in
creating means of fostering rapid development. Now if we are to adopt the old
idea of consensual democracy which is based on reaching consensus by every member of the society in the
decision, it is true that such decision or policy will be of low quality. This
is because not everyone is equipped with that reasoning capacity to make right
and effective policies. Even Plato said that those to rule the ancient Greek
polis should be those with high reasoning capacity: the philosophers. Following
that total consensus would render the final decisions or policies low in
quality, it therefore follows that consensual democracy would tend not to
foster or speed the development needed in African society. This is because
right and effective polices are the engines for the development of any society
or nation. One can easily assume here that I accuse illiterates of not having
anything to contribute towards the development of African society. Such an assumption
is not too far from the fact. If I may ask, ‘which nation, very interested in
rapid development of its society has ever relied on the decisions of the
illiterate masses?’ Even if such illiterates had something to offer in the
olden days, I believe due to the changing nature of the contemporary society,
they would now have very little or nothing to offer. Allowing consensual
democratic system of polity a room in Africa this present day is equivalent to
retrogressing the development of the African continent.
Nonetheless,
what is needed to strengthen democratization in Africa is strong institutions
that will help to check and balance the political office bearers and hold them
accountable. There is no doubt that effective leadership entails willing
compliance by the followers to the directives given by the person or people providing
leadership. Though this has been the major point of contention for the
critiques of liberal democracy, I believe through the help of strong and
unbiased institutions, the will of the people could be well represented and
valued. Proper human rights can be restored. Credibility in elections can be
achieved, as this was evident in the recently concluded presidential election
in Nigeria where the presence of international organizations help to foster
free and fair elections. Strenghtening institutions would enhance the
transparency necessary for an effective consolidation of democracy in Africa.
By institutions here, I refer to non-governmental organizations (both national
and international) who can act as watch dogs to government. This would force
government to ensure a proper execution of human rights and welfare of
citizens. They would ensure the separation of power among the different arms of
government as well as the proper enactment of the concept of rule of law.
Andrew Svetlozar asserts that ‘one can measure the level of democracy through
evaluating the choice of the format and performance of political institutions’6. If such institutions are created,
there is assurance for a refinement in the democratic practice in Africa. It
will ensure the realization of the statement made at the conference of EISA Annual
Symposium for the sustainable development in in Africa. The statement goes thus:
Democracy
gives people a choice and allows them an opportunity to engage their governors.
Sustained democratic practice creates opportunities for effective participation
by the people in national policy formation and implementation. Such
participation serves both as a tool of resource mobilization and as a process
of political legitimacy through consensus building7.
Finally,
what is needed in contemporary African society is strong institutions to check the
workings of government and political office holders and not really a return to
the practice of consensual democracy. If this is done, African contemporary
political conflicts would be reduced.
Endnotes
- Kwasi
Wiredu, Democracy and Consensus in
African Traditional Politics: A Plea for a Non-party Polity. (Online).
Available from: thempolylog.org/2/fwk-en.htm. [Accessed]: 4th
August 2015
- Ibid
- Gideon-Cyrus
M. M & Rohio S.W (eds.) (1975). Readings
in African Political Thought. London: Heinemann, p. 476
- Refer
to 1 above
- Eze,
E 1997. “Response to Wiredu.” In Postcolonial African Philosophy, edited
by Emmanuel Chukwudi Eze. Cambridge: Blackwell.
- Andrew,
S 2003. The Role of Institutions in the Consolidation of Democracy in
Post-Communist Eastern Europe (online). Available from: www.circap.org/uploads/... [Accessed]:
4 August 2015.
- Conference
Proceedings Report of EISA Annual Symposium. ‘In Search of Sustainable
Democratic Governance For Africa: Does Democracy Work For Developing
Countries?’ South Africa, November 2007.
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